The Elusive Tail of the Fish
....Blame it on the weather. Just 150 feet from the top, the 20th Century slid back down and was left shtumped.
To aficionados, a beautiful peak by any standards, this mountain has created its own myths starting from the sacred to the very practical. Today it's practically impossible to climb this fluted piece of ice and rock labelled as untouchable only reserved for the observers of (with apologies to Larkin) certain tenuous and specious stuff with vast moth eaten musical brocades pretending.
In the wide snowy icicle Himalayan desert with its soaring peaks this one remains, from a mountaineering point of view, a social enigma. A wallflower par excellence.
Protected by custom and rules Macchapuchare leans to a mixed metaphor. It wears its bridal blossoms like a chrysanthemum lodged, extremely comfortably, in the buttonholes of a black wedding jacket. And the wedding never happened.
.com/photos/wnoyce.jpg" align=left border=1>In 1957 they nearly got there. Climbing the Fish's Tail by Wilfrid Noyce (in most other accounts the name is spelt Wilfred) describes just that. And for those with a penchant for nostalgia, a couple of characters stand out in the book. Noyce himself was part of the famous 1953 Everest expedition in charge of equipments and reaching the South Col and the other is the ex gurkha officer and former British Defence Attaché, James Roberts, better known as Jimmy Roberts considered to be one of the founders of trekking in Nepal and the main reason for being on the mountain in 1957.
Organised and collected by Roberts but, in the actual climbing, led by Noyce, the not overly large expedition from Pokhara treks to Birethante, Ghandruk (Ghandrung in book) where Noyce remarks, "The houses stood in rows, neatly rectangular, built of smallish stones with big squares of slate-type stone for tiles, and small square windows." The modern day hotels and trekking paraphernalia today still necessarily do not conflict with this rustic observation.
The narrative follows the line of the Modi khola, sets up Base Camp at around 13,000 feet, "just under the gentle side of the moraine which bounds the South-East Annapurna Galcier," in late April. Most of May is spent finding advanced camps up the North Col of the mountain and along its North Ridge and hauling gear up.
In between the mountain narrative there are some pungent observations. Kathmandu in 1957:
In the town itself there is little apart form the crowded streets near Hanuman Doka…And I can see the tiny children there, in Technicolor sunlight, chewing betel or sugar cane as they drove their calves past the gods; girls, their round faces a relief after parched India, their bright smooth hair fragrant with sweet peas, their sari-type skirts and white shawls; old men in carpenter hats and tight trousers; wild sadhus or holy men, their faces streaked with white. Through all this the great Brahmini bulls wandered ponderously, pausing to flick a tail or cast a melancholy eye at the hags who crouched over heaps of fly-ridden sweetmeats.
And there are other more obscure comments not altogether fallacious but mixed in with half-truths, seen through a glass darkly, a sign of the times:
But I had the same feeling now as when writing the novel, that there is an almost bridgeless gap between the true Oriental's way of looking at mountains, the abodes of fear and awe, and that of the eager Westerner, to whom it is almost sacrilege not to go scrambling up them just as fast as he can climb. That is partly why the Sherpas are interesting: in some measure they bridge the gap. Buddhists, they will yet eat meat and share the tins. Orientals, they have sometimes- Tenzing, for instance- the Westerner's ambition to stand up on the top. The Japanese, I suppose, have something of the same attitude, as well as the organising skill to realise their projects. But they have always, to my mind, stood well outside the main line of eastern thought.
And another remark that no one can argue with, "Ghandrung depends for much of its prosperity on the Gurkha recruitment of which Jimmy [Roberts] was in charge." But back to the mountain.
Past the presence of ice flutings, sharp ice ridges, ice gullies, the Rock Buttress, the Rock Gendarme at the final length to the summit in early June, "Out of a sky still bright with sun behind, the snow started to fall. At first softly, then faster, and the sun hid himself behind the dun curtains." The climbers try to hurry to the promise of the top of the most delicately curved peak in mountain history.
"I rounded a rib, very near the top of everything as I thought, and saw four or five columns of blue ice, like the claws of some great dragon, thrusting up each to its place on the summit ridge: it was the summit itself, perhaps a little under 150 feet above our heads…It looked as if the Goddess had drawn her firm line here." Since that moment the summit of Fishtail has never been seen so up close before.
And only time will tell when, again, if ever. As the climbers retreat, "Gone the conquering zest of early morning, when each gigantic feature of the mountain had seemed to acknowledge our victory. Now we were very small, very humble and rather wet."
However, though the main object was not taken there is some consolation. With David Cox, Noyce takes on the nearby Fluted Peak (Singu Chuli) becoming the first to summit its 21,323 ft (6501m) top. But even from here Fishtail casts its long shadow.
"In front of these the bristling, broken ridge that led southward, to the fairy delicacy of Machapuchare queening it for all her slighter stature over every giant around. She was incomparable."
MIDWAY : Merry Christmas
Christmas is one of my favourite festivals as it reminds me about my childhood days in the countryside. There was a small, wooden church located in the middle of our village. The pastor of the church was an old but a very cheerful and polite gentleman. Because of his cheerful nature, the children in the village were very fond of him. I would visit him on Saturdays, when he recited stories of Jesus from the Bible and often gave toys, sweets and writing pads as gifts.The pastor invited all the kids to the church on Christmas day. He told us that god’s angel or Santa Claus would come on Christmas evening and distribute beautiful gifts to disciplined and obedient kids. During Christmas Eve, the pastor and his disciples would gather in the church to make preparations for Christmas celebrations.I would often lend my helping hand by lighting candles and decorating Christmas trees. The female group would prepare special Christmas pudding. When the decorations were over the church would look like a bridegroom embellished in all the finery.On Christmas day, I would wake up early in the morning, have a bath, dress myself up to the nines and rush to the church. I didn’t know the significance of the biggest Christian festival but was excited to go to church as I believed that Santa would offer me lots of gifts.Christmas celebrations began by offering prayers to Jesus and exchanging good wishes and gifts with one another. Finally, we would relish the sweet dishes such as selroti, meat, rice pudding and sweets.In the evening, pampered with gifts and Santa’s kind words the kids would sing rhymes in praise of the Lord. After the celebrations I would rush home to show my gifts to my mother. By now I have a huge collection of gifts given to me by Santa.I still wait for Christmas, though not for the gifts that Santa would give. I like this festival because it brings lots of happiness and fosters love among us. It unites us irrespective of our caste, complexion and nationality.This Christmas, I will go to church, visit relatives and friends and relish the delectable Christmas pudding. And though I might not meet my childhood Santa, I wouldn’t forget to buy gifts for my friends and poor children.
TOPICS : Does beauty still belong in art?
Is beauty dead? The answer that springs from much of contemporary art is an unapologetic “yes.” Grime, grit, death, destruction, flesh, and flaws have replacedpretty models, still lifes, and pastoral scenes. In the past 500years, the opalescent beauty of “La Pietà” has become the urine-soaked effrontery of “Piss Christ.” It’s no wonder crowds prefer the cheer of Van Gogh’s sunflowers to such cheekiness. But history is surely laughing at this irony.So perhaps it is premature to declare beauty obsolete. Instead, what’s needed is a more nuanced appreciation of contemporary art’s aesthetic. Today, beauty is no longer about what’s pretty, symmetrical, or harmonious. It’s about what stirs the viewer to grapple with the world as it really is. Art is not a cosmetic to prettify reality or provide escapist pleasure.As Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa pointed out, “Contemporary aesthetics has established the beauty of ugliness, reclaiming for art everything in human experience that artistic representation had previously rejected.”“If you look at the street art of Jean-Michel Basquiat or younger artists like Dash Snow or Barry McGee, their work is about the grit and grime of reality,” says Susan Davidson, senior curator at the Guggenheim Museum. “There is beauty in it but it’s harsher, rough, and in your face.” To assess quality in today’s art, don’t rely on superficial beauty. Unlike a vapid Breck-girl image, good art has got to have punch to shake us up, wake us up, and — above all — make us sit up and take notice.Alejandro Cesarco, an up-and-coming artist in New York, sees a work’s surface appearance as merely a door-opener. “It’s part of a seduction strategy, an initial stage of allowing somebody into the work, although it never ends there.” He adds: “There has to be something that makes you continue to think about the work.”Good art grabs our attention, then deepens our engagement with multiple layers that expand our knowledge of the world and ourselves, and make us see and feel and think in different ways. And all this should come in the form of an object made with consummate skill. “Things that quicken the heart” is how John Baldessari, a master of postmodern art, puts it.Renaissance idealism — a pinnacle of beauty in visual art — embodied the smiling face of life as we might wish it to be. Caravaggio gave art a Baroque twist when he took his models from the gutter and painted the Virgin Mary with dirty feet. Caravaggio’s patrons howled, just as today, museum-goers often recoil from art reflecting the sordid side of life. It’s lovely to depict humanity’s highest aspirations, but it’s necessary to acknowledge our feet of clay, too.Looking at art today has the morbid fascination of rubbernecking at a wreck on the highway. Yet the artist’s intent goes beyond voyeurism to sound an early warning. The canary’s song is beautiful and lulling. But when its melody stops in the mine, you’d better cease heaving that pickaxe and run for your life. — The Christian Science Monitor
Historic compromise
The seven political parties have created history by signing a 23-point agreement that will make Nepal a ‘Federal Democratic Republic’ in the Interim Constitution itself. They have unlocked more than four months of political stalemate by agreeing to hold the election to the Constituent Assembly (CA) election by mid-April. The accord shows a compromise between the Maoists’ 22-point roster of demands - including immediate abolition of the monarchy and shift to full proportional representation — and the positions of the other parties, particularly of the Nepali Congress. The agreed document epitomises at once the SPA’s desire to bring the peace process to a successful conclusion by holding the Constituent Assembly election and its necessity of staying together. The Maoists have been guaranteed a federal republican set-up and the Congress its implementation with the first CA meeting. The constitutional provision for pre-CA implementation of republicanism is to stay in case there arises a ‘serious’ Royal hurdle to the election.The new electoral system, too, represents a compromise. As a result, there will be a 601-member Constituent Assembly instead of the 497-member one. The accord deserves broad welcome. But, for the people who have seen both the state and the Maoists violate the agreements and understandings in the past, creating considerable obstaclesto the political transition, the big ‘if’ relates to the level of their sincerity and seriousness about what they have just agreed in writing. Other provisions of the accord include: the Prime Minister will act as head of state in the interim; and the government will form commissions and committees within one month on the disappeared persons, truthand reconciliation, state restructuring, scientific land reform, and high-level monitoring of the implementation of the past agreements.The accord recognises the Constituent Assembly election as the national agenda. However, some doubt is being expressed in some quarters about the possibility of holding the polls in the Tarai successfully. The Seven Party Alliance and the government need to understand the sources of the problems in their right perspectives. The incorporation of federalism and republicanism, as well as many other features, for a New Nepal are more than what anybody had dreamt of till relatively recently, whether in the hills or in the Tarai. The generally poor law-and-order situation, all the more so in the Tarai, has been chiefly due to the government’s feebleness — particularly of the constituent that has been in charge of all security-related affairs — and to the tendency to look to outsiders to resolve many of Nepal’s internal problems. The coalition government will have to grow out of this mindset — and very soon. To strengthen the seven party unity, it is also necessary for the partners to promote consensual decision-making that the Interim Constitution ordains. But one thing is clear: It would be extremely hard to justify yet another failure to hold the CA election — by mid-April.
RED ARMY IN THE DRAGON KINGDOM
.Another Maoist insurgency is going to rock yet another country in South Asia, if the statements made by the leaders of the Communist Party of Bhutan Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (CPM MLM) are anything to go by.
"Preliminary preparations for an insurgency are over. We are going to launch it soon," says Vikalpa, nom-de-plume of CPB MLM General Secretary.Bhutan is holding its parliamentary elections in March and April 2008. But, prior to the election date, CPB MLM plans to launch its 'People's War' in the Himalayan kingdom.
The goal: Abolition of monarchy and establishment of a republic.
Following the footsteps of Nepali Maoists who had submitted a 40-point demand to the then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba before launching a 'People's War', CPB MLM faxed a 13-point demand to the Royal Government of Bhutan on March 22, 2007.
The letter stressed the need to "introduce people's democracy in the place of absolute monarchy." The party has asked for multi-party democracy, repatriation of the refugees to their original homes with honor and dignity, release of all political prisoners and to introduce the land reform act etc.
Vikalpa (literally, alternative) says that fulfillment of the demands would have paved the way for a peaceful resolution. "But, the government, rather than taking it seriously, has unleashed terror by arresting commoners, and this has prompted us to wage an armed struggle," says CPB supremo Vikalpa.
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The Druk regime is yet to respond to these demands.The unfolding events suggest that South Asia's only active monarchy that is ruling the so-called 'Last Shangri-La' is likely to take the country into Maoist violence. The eruption of militancy in northeastern South Asia will not only push Bhutan into turmoil but the two biggest Asian power i.e. India and China will have to deal with yet another insurgency in their backyards.
Expanding Network
At a time when Nepal was mired in the Maoist conflict, CPB MLM was announced on April 22, 2003. Pamphlets were widely distributed and posters were pasted in and around the seven refugee camps of Jhapa and Morang districts of Nepal. On the same day, sixteen out of a total twenty districts in Bhutan saw similar activities. That was the occasion of Lenin Day and the official announcement of the first communist party in Bhutan formed two years back.
Following its formal announcement, Bhutanese Maoist leaders zeroed in on two areas: expanding the organizational network and intensifying political and military training. The Maoist cadres overwhelmingly participated in the 'long march' along the Mechi Bridge on the border between Nepal and India last May. The forceful attempt made by the refugees to return to their home country did not succeed. It ended with clashes between refugees and Indian security forces.
The unrest triggered by the Maoists in Beldangi camp of Jhapa on 27 and 28 May led to the death of Narapati Dhungel and Purna Bahadur Tamang. The CPB MLM organized a condolence meet for the 'martyrs' in Beldangi and Sanischare camps on June 10. Student leaders Toya Khatiwada, Pasang Rai, Mesh Pathak, Champa Singh Rai delivered speeches during the programme.
An emergency meeting of CPB MLM Central Committee held in the first week of June, following the Beldangi and Mechi Bridge incidents, concluded that the grounds for an armed struggle were ripening. The meeting also decided to launch a 'People's War' at the earliest. Following this, CPB has intensified its activities in all the seven refugee camps. The party has been organizing cultural programmes and closed-door meetings to indoctrinate more refugees for the upcoming 'People's War.'
Some of the Bhutanese leaders have gone to Western countries like USA, UK, Germany, while others stay in their cozy apartments in Kathmandu, leaving their countrymen in the cramped refugee camps.
In this backdrop, the Maoists have maintained a low profile while expanding the party network on a war footing. They have succeeded in drawing huge numbers of disgruntled refugees to their block. These new breed of leaders, unlike hitherto known leaders, are little known but they are spirited youths mostly from a teaching background. While the number of full time party members is still a matter of conjecture, what is obvious is that the party leadership has been rapidly expanding its network.
Since the party is underground, most of its activities are undertaken through its sister organizations. All Bhutan Revolutionary Student Association, its student wing, was formed shortly after the announcement of CPB MLM. Similarly, All Bhutan Women Association was announced just two weeks after the formation of its student wing. All Bhutan Republic Youth Association, all Bhutan Teachers' Association, All Bhutan Peasants' Association, All Bhutan People's Cultural Forum are other sister organizations of the party.CPB has also adopted the strategy to form independent or literary groups to spread its ideology. The now defunct Communist Study Center led by a refugee from Goldhap camp (who was adept at oratory skills) active in 2003 was one such group.
CPB MLM has also been involved in collecting funds. News sources say, the party has collected donations from Bhutanese teachers working in private schools and plus-two colleges in Kathmandu. Similarly, the party has urged Bhutanese working in INGOs and donor agencies to contribute 5 per cent of their salary. Sources claim the party has been able to collect approximately 14 lakh rupees, some of which was spent on purchasing arms.
Organizing cultural programmes is another way to collect money for the party. All Bhutan People's Cultural Forum organized a cultural programme and a drama titled 'Paristhiti Le Janmaeko Lakshya' (Goal Created by Circumstances) at the Nepal Academy in Kathmandu on May 10, 2007. More than thirty thousand rupees was collected from the tickets of the show and from the sales of the album 'Bidroha Ka Jhilkaharu' (Sparks of Rebellion).
Preparing for 'People's War'
The first national conference of CPB MLM (from January 31 to February 3, 2006) devised an ideological and technical outline for a 'People's War.' According to a party press release, the conference approved the manifesto and the programme and policies of the party. The conference, according to the release, "broke all the large and bulky party committees into a sophisticated one to make a unified force."
The conference also elected Vikalpa General Secretary until the second national conference. "The most important decision was to make party military oriented and military party oriented," argues Vikalpa.
Bhutanese Maoists have followed the strategies adopted by Nepali Maoists. The protracted People's War is divided into three strategic phases: defense, balance and counter attack. Defense is again divided into three sub-phases: preparation, commencement and continuation. Among these, the party is still in its first phase. The preparation phase is again divided into four phases: ideological, organizational, technical and related to struggle. Among these, they have started the propaganda machine through cultural programmes, production of people oriented musical albums and pamphlets and posters. Party mouthpieces such as Vidhyarthi Pratirodh and Naulo Awaj also serve their purpose.
CPB MLM has also applied Chinese leader Mao's doctrine: 'encircling city from village.' It has stressed the formation of an armed force to implement the doctrine. Vikram, one of CPB leaders, says they plan to create a guerilla force that will be technically able to carry out defensive attacks, which, in his words, "will crush the enemy's forces while defending our forces."
What is the military strength? Vikalpa says, "We have a few old and homemade guns. However, our fighters are not trained for hi-tech war. We believe in getting trained in the course of war." He adds, "There cannot be a better training field than the working area."
Made in Bhutan
CPB MLM's working area is none other than Bhutanese soil. Apart from refugee camps, Bhutanese leaders are active in Damak and Birtamode of Jhapa and Siliguri (West Bengal), Sikkim, Darjeeling and Assam in India. They also frequent Kathmandu in order to propagate and collect funds. But they are trying to focus their activities mainly inside Bhutan. CPB leaders claim that theirs is the only party established inside Bhutan. The Central Committee of CPB MLM has five commands (four commands operate in Bhutan and one in the refugee camp). More than one lakh refugees are languishing in the camps while one lakh and eighty thousand Lhotsampas (Nepali speaking Southern Bhutanese) are in Bhutan.
Penetration by its cadres inside Bhutan and their mobilization has been a top Maoist priority. The result: three districts namely Tashigang, Samdrup Jonkhar and Samchi are now Maoist hotbeds. Bhutan's geographical situation (65 percent forest and 80 percent mountainous and hill region), says CPB, is suitable for guerrilla warfare.
Sources say, the party plans to stat a 'People's War' from the northern districts of Yangtse, Tashigang and Mongar where the state has a minimum presence. These districts share a porous border with Arunachal state of India, which China claims as its own. The Sarchops (ethnic Bhutanese of the East) are the majority in that region. Sarchops account for 33 percent of the total population and they are coming under the influence of CPB MLM. Sarchop Mukti Morcha, a sister organization of CPB was formed a few months ago. Another organization called Gorkha Rastriya Mukti Morcha led by Amar Chhetri (which demands six southern districts be declared Gorkha Pradesh) has close ties with the Maoists.
However, an analyst warns that the idea to launch the war from the southern stronghold of Lhotsamaps might be counterproductive. The Druk regime has been terrorizing south Bhutan for years. As a result, that part has become an epicentre of rebellion since the early 90s when one lakh Nepali speaking Bhutanse were forced to leave their homeland.
Bhutan State Congress (est. 1952), led by DB Gurung, pioneered the rebellion in 1954 from Sarbhang district of South Bhutan. Interestingly, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala had also taken part in the democratic movement in Bhutan in the early 1950s. He disclosed the fact in his memoir published in Nepal Weekly Magazine (Aug 20-26, 2007). CPB MLM invokes Mahashur Chhetri, killed in 1954 uprising, as an inspiration for their cause.
Nepal Connection
As mentioned above, Bhutanese Maoists have largely drawn the strategy and tactics from Nepali Maoists. Bhutanese comrades have maintained a rapport with the Nepali Maoists since its inception. Nepali Maoists, sources say, provided ideological and material assistance to them. Senior leaders of CPN M imparted training on firearms and ideological and cultural issues. With both parties being members of the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPASA), it's easier for them to cooperate, sources privy to the Maoists say. CPB MLM actively participated in an international seminar organized by CPB M between December 26 and 30, 2006. CP Gajurel 'Gaurav', In-charge of the International Bureau, CPN M, says, "We are very close, for we follow the same ideology in the first place and they are also people of Nepali origin in the second."
He disclosed that most of the CPB MLM leaders were trained and inspired by Nepal's 'People's War.' He adds, "We are helping them in guerrilla warfare strategy and working policy."
If CPN Maoist enters mainstream politics shunning violence, they might only share ideological grounds. Nevertheless, if the Constituent Assembly polls did not take place and they adopted a policy of rebellion, relations between these parties might extend to the level of material cooperation. CPB also maintains close ties with the Communist Party of India Maoist.
Violence out of Compulsion?
The Bhutanese refugee stalemate is the main base where CPB aims to launch a 'People's War.' Scholars had predicted that if the refugee impasse remained for a long time, the youths would be drawn to violence. Aruni John, a Sri Lankan scholar, in her research published by Colombo-based think-tank Regional Centre for Strategic Studies as early as August 2000 wrote, "It is likely that the unemployed Bhutanese refugee youths in Nepal will shortly become potential recruits for militant forces that currently destabilized northeast India, southern Bhutan and eastern Nepal."
She concluded, "Frustration with a legal process between the governments of Bhutan and Nepal that appears to be going nowhere, a splintered refugee leadership, a seemingly uncompromising Bhutanese monarchy, and the lack of future options may push these refugee youth to turn to militancy." Many Bhutanese leaders opine that the Bhutan government should take the responsibility for the plight of the refugees. Teknath Rizal, Chairman of Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee, says, "Every person has a limit of tolerance. If that limit is crossed, one is compelled to resort to arms."
The main reasons behind the formation of CPB are the frustration and anger due to the protracted refugee crisis. But will politics of violence be successful? A Bhutanese human rights leader has a few caveats. He says it is problematic for an underground party to wage a war in Bhutan due to the small size and the sparse population of the country. He recollects the arrest of 39 Bhutanese following a cultural programme4 organized by Maoists in May.
Bhutan with a population of seven lakh and fifty thousand has nearly 22 thousand security forces including the Royal Bhutan Army, Royal Bodyguard and Royal Bhutan Police. Approximately 20 thousand Indian Army personnel are currently stationed in Bhutan. The soldiers are said to be kept in Bhutan for military training, road construction and other development works. This heavy military presence makes it difficult for CPB MLM to launch a 'People's War.' Probably taking its cue from this scenario, CPB has asked other political parties to launch a joint struggle against monarchy. A recent press release undersigned by Vikalpa reads, "We request all the political parties to form a unified front to fight against Bhutan's monarchy, the common enemy of all democratic forces."
Thinley Penjor, chairman of Druk National Congress (DNC), while admitting that the DNC and CPB cadres in Bhutan are working jointly at local levels, hinted at the possibility of unity at the central level. Nepali Maoist leaders had advised Bhutanese Maoists to work with other stakeholders. Ram Karki, chief of Bhutan desk in the International Bureau of CPN M, says, "The Bhutanese movement will succeed only if it joins hands with DNC and BPP (Bhutan People's Party)."
India's Role
Maoist leader Gaurav says, "It's easy to start an armed struggle in Bhutan because the government is very weak. But, it may have to face the military strength of India." Bhutan, surrounded by Indian states fighting an insurgency for decades, is a strategically important region. "That's why," he says, "India will try to prevent a 'People's War.'" Like Nepal, it is sandwiched between China and India. CPB has a nexus with ULFA and Bodo, separatist outfits operating in northeast India.
When Nepal's Maoist conflict reached its apogee, India termed it a common security threat for both countries. If such a Maoist conflict spawns in Bhutan, it will definitely be a trilateral (Bhutan, Nepal and India) issue. "Bhutanese Maoists have to directly confront Indian security forces," says Ram Karki, central member of CPN M.
Indian interest in Bhutan is manifold. However, bilateral treaties bind Bhutan with its southern neighbour. According to the India-Bhutan Friendship Treaty of 1949, India has the prerogative over the issues of foreign affairs and security of Bhutan. The treaty was amended in February this year. Firstly, Article 2 has been rephrased and the term 'guided by the advice by GOI' has been replaced by 'friendly cooperation' in the context of Bhutan's foreign relations. Secondly, Article 6 has been revised to the extent that Bhutan can act independently in importing non-lethal equipment, but will still have to go by India’s assistance and approval for import of arms, ammunition, machines and warlike materials and stores for Bhutan’s welfare and protection. Though, there seems to be some changes in theory, India still plays in practice a significant role in the security and foreign relations of the Druk regime.
India's special relation with Bhutan has irked Bhutanese refugee leaders. Bhutanese leader Teknath Rizal says, "Aren't the issues raised in Terai and ours the same? Why does India keep mum over our issue?" India's diplomatic reticence is obvious given its involvement in hydropower projects and military training in Bhutan. India has established a Military Training Team (IMTRAT) in Ha district of Bhutan. The Indian army is also active in Bhutan under the name of the General Road Task Force.
In early 2003, the Royal Bhutan Army with assistance from the Indian army flushed out the insurgents operating in northeastern India from their base in southern Bhutan. The separatist outfits, United Liberation Front of Assam, National Democratic Front of Bodoland and Kamatapur Liberation Organization, once welcomed by the royal government, were later perceived as threats to the state. But three years after getting rid of the Indian insurgents, the government is likely to confront homegrown militants.
This confrontation can largely be traced to the refugee problem created by Bhutan itself almost two decades ago. In this scenario enters the United States with a proposal to resettle sixty thousand refugees. This proposal, sources say, surfaced after the US detected growing extremism in the refugee camps. Australia and Canada have also shown willingness to take in a few thousand refugees.
But, the advocates of third country settlement have been targeted by the Maoists. Two camp secretaries of Beldangi camp, Hari Adhikari Bangaley and Manorath Khanal, have been frequently assaulted over the last three months. Sources say Maoist cadres were involved in the incidents. The CPB MLM took part in the 'Long March' movement to return home in May this year. A press release of the party dated June 7, 2007 reads, "The organizations privy to our party had to lead the movement in Mechi Bridge due to the failure of the National Front for Democracy."
In the same release, the party has vowed to start an armed struggle. It remains to be seen whether CPB MLM will be confined to mere press releases or carry out yet another 'People's War' in the subcontinent.
Mallika Sherawat Joins Politics!
If rumours are to be believed Mallika Sherawat is being considered for the leading role in director Kundan Shah’s next film.The movie will be a political satire that Kundan Shah has been working on for many years. Its story is about a prostitute who is on the run. She goes through many testing circumstances and eventually becomes the chief minister of a state.The yet-untitled film will have satirical humour similar to the one we saw in Shah’s best film Jaane Bhi Do Yaaro.Grapevine is abuzz that Shah is considering signing Mallika for the lead role of the prostitute in the film. The actress is also learnt to be eager to work with Shah.However, Shah hasn’t yet confirmed Mallika’s presence in the film. All he says is that the cast is being finalized.The film will go on the floors early next year.Mallika is presently working in only two Bollywood films : Ugly And Pagli and Maan Gaye Mughal-E-Azam .
Nepal’s trade flow : Assessing its potential
There has been growing interest in assessing gains from trade liberalisation in recent years. Some studies show that developing countries in South Asia that initiate reform at home by further liberalising trade multilaterally can reap rich benefits. On the contrary, other studies reveal that the expected contribution of trade liberalisation to economic development and poverty alleviation is extremely limited: The benefit is not only small, but also skewed towards developed countries.One of the greatest challenges the developing world is facing is in establishinga linkage between trade and development. The external factors such as impositionof tariffs, quotas and non-tariff barriers; subsidisation of domestic products and the use of instrument such as intellectual property rights that ignores traditional knowledge and folklore have reduced the competitiveness of developing economies. The domestic factors that hinder development are limited skills, lack of information about new markets and proper standards; inaccessible of finance, potential partners and new technology.The overall trade of South Asian countries has increased two fold since 1980s to approximately $100 billion (10 times less than that of East Asia). Although liberalisation has integrated global markets and boosted GDP growth from $28,00 billion in 1970 to $360,00 billion in 2004, there are huge discrepancies in distribution of this sum. The developed countries with 15 per cent world population account for 77 per cent of GDP but the LDCs with 11.5 per cent population make for only 0.7 per cent.The rising export share as per cent of GDP in South Asia is an indication of the increased physical connectivity and bilateral and intra-regional trade opportunities. However, South Asia’s share falls below world average. ADB’s recent study shows that since 2001, export share curves for the region have been flat while for Nepal the curve has fallen ever farther.Protectionist policies, high transaction costs and non-tariff barriers havelimited trade integration in the region as compared to inter-regional trade. As a percentage of its GDP, Nepal has the biggest share in intra-regional trade among SAARC countries. But in terms of centrally connected trade economy (based on countries’ influence on product supply and value chains), in South Asia, a relative value of “Trade centrality index” is highest in the case of India and lowest for Nepal.The share of exports to India in total exports has averaged 62.6 per cent in the last five years. For other countries, it is 37.4 per cent. Quantitative restrictions and product disqualification from the Indian side have led to a significant rise in trade deficit with India. Uneven implementation and interpretation of the trade treaty measures by State Governments in India have been additional barriers to Nepal’s exports. The annual average growth in trade deficit with India was 14.8 per cent in the last five years while the total trade deficit to GDP ratio remained at 18.2 per cent for 2006/07. The current accountsurplus, which was above two per cent of GDP from 2002/03 to 2005/06, hasdeclined to 0.5 percent in 2006/07, mainly due to a rising trade deficit.Nepal has a persistent current account deficit with India. This stood at $1.1 billion (NRs 72 billion, 10 per cent of GDP) in 2006/07. Nepal is financing its current account deficit with India by purchasing Indian currency by way of selling US dollars, which amounted to $930 million in 2006/07 (NRB, 2007).The major concern in harnessing trade gains is to maximise its impact on overall development and avoid pitfalls. This conundrum can be solved by establishing linkages between trade and resource mobilisation. In Nepal’s context, declining trade has negatively affected current account balance. Nepal’s trade policy should therefore reflect resource mobilisation. As trade policy has a positive link with foreign direct investment, government revenue and foreign aid, it can be utilised to mobilise resources. Therefore, both dimensions of trade — import and export — should be considered complimentary - in the sense that export generates financial resources for investment and import such as the essential capital goods and technology contributes to growth.In Fair Trade For All , Joseph E Stiglitz and Andrew Charlton elaborate on traderelationships between the richest and the poorest countries to open up marketsin the interests of all nations and not just the most powerful ones so that trade promotes development (Stiglitz and Charlton, 2005). Although Nepal’s trade policies are inextricably linked to those of India, the market has not yet been satisfactorily integrated. Nepal’s priority in terms of trade flow is to address the critical issue of non-tariff barriers during the next round of meetings for the renewal of the five-year Treaty.
Obstacles to Nepal’s Peace Process
Concerns for the future ...(by former american ambassdor to nepal)
It is because of my own personal admiration for Nepal, and my country’s interest in your successful democratic transition, that I came to speak with you today (June 12). I am concerned about the future of Nepal.
This year can be a turning point for Nepal. A successful Constituent Assembly election, carried out in a free and fair manner, should prove a giant step forward in the establishment of a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Nepal. That is the hope of the Nepali people. That is the goal of American foreign policy in Nepal. Indeed, my Embassy has been working hard over the past year to support your election. We will continue to do this, especially now that the Government of Nepal has decided to hold the election in Mangsir [mid-November to mid-December]. Nepal has many friends and admirers in the United States, all of whom want to see Nepalis decide their own future through a free and unfettered democratic election. Former President Jimmy Carter is one of these friends, and, as some of you know, he is visiting Nepal for three days beginning tomorrow (June 13).
.
The promise of a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Nepal is, however, in danger. These threats are growing; we read about them every day in the newspapers. Maoist Young Communist League cadre kidnap businessmen and attack political leaders from other parties during their meetings. JTMM cadres confiscate private property in the Terai and kill locals. The list of these crimes is long and growing.
I have been told repeatedly over the last year that the most important thing in Nepal is the peace process. I have been accused of derailing this process by speaking out against atrocities by Maoists and other groups. I think many would agree, however, that these atrocities, not my words, are threatening the peace process. Peace is not just the absence of war. Maoist violence and intimidation are derailing the peace process, and the consequences threaten the future of all Nepalis.Obstacle One: Maoist Conduct
Like you, I share the hope that Nepal may soon have a true, lasting peace, and that it will establish prosperity and democracy for the long-term. There are two main obstacles to this end goal at the moment. The first is the Maoists’ failure to bring their conduct in line with the standards of mainstream political parties in multiparty democracies.
Over the past year, we had all hoped that Maoist behavior would improve in line with their various commitments. That has not happened. We had all hoped that the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord would mean that all People's Liberation Army combatants would be placed in UN-managed cantonments. Instead, this resulted in a massive, cynical recruitment drive by the Maoists and those cantonments were filled with fresh recruits, many of whom are children. Those recruits have now received over five months of military training and political indoctrination in the camps.
Meanwhile, many seasoned PLA combatants remained outside the camps and were placed by the Maoist leadership in a new organization: the Young Communist League. Most of the leadership of the YCL consists of senior PLA officers, including one who bragged in a recent interview that he had assassinated a senior police official in Kathmandu. Why are these PLA leaders still active in the countryside when they were supposed to be in the cantonments?
We all wished that inclusion of the Maoists in the Interim Parliament would lead to an improvement in their behavior. Instead, we find Maoist parliamentarians bringing pistols into the Assembly, threatening their fellow MP's, and repeatedly gherao'ing the Speaker.
Finally, we had all hoped that the entry of the Maoists into the government on April 1 would prompt them to behave like a mainstream political party. Instead, the Maoists have forcefully reminded the people of Nepal that April 1 is also called April Fool's Day. Since that date, the YCL has run amok, the Maoist ministers of Forests and of Local Development have called for bandhas against the government they work for, and the Maoist Minister of Information and Communications has publicly stated that the Prime Minister, his boss, has a criminal mind. Once again, the Maoist leader, Mr. Pushpa Dahal, has stated in a public interview that the Maoists have no intention of joining the political mainstream. His party's actions over the past year suggest that all Nepalis should take these words of Mr. Dahal very seriously.
No mainstream political party anywhere in a multi-party democratic system is allowed to maintain its own armed groups. Yet this is exactly what the Maoists have done. Nor should a political party be permitted to carry out, with impunity, crimes of extortion, abduction, and intimidation Again, however, this is exactly what the Maoists continue to do, particularly through their YCL.
In the two months that Maoists have been in the Interim Government, they have certainly made clear that when their leaders talk about creating their own “political mainstream,” it is one with no place for the civil give and take, the transparent debate and decision-making, or the critical commitment to nonviolence that characterize normal political parties in a democracy.
As our Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor said recently in Kathmandu, the message of the United States is clear: Nepal cannot have ballots and bullets in a democratic process. Intimidation and violence have no roles whatsoever in the democratic development of any country. Nothing justifies the use of violence as a political tool. Yet hardly a day goes by without the press reporting on Maoist atrocities. And let me be clear – there is no difference between the YCL and the Maoist leadership. They are two parts of one whole and the actions of the one are a direct result of the decisions and intentions of the other.
On Sunday, Mr. Pushpa Dahal reportedly assured the Prime Minister that the people who threw stones at the UN car I was traveling in in Damak were not YCL cadre. That is simply not true; the individuals who threw the stones were local Maoists who carried YCL placards. Mr. Dahal should acknowledge that fact, and should ensure that in the future neither diplomats nor Nepali citizens are treated with such contempt by the YCL.Obstacle 2: Ethnic division
The second obstacle to peace, prosperity, and democracy in Nepal is ethnic division. There is an urgent need to address this issue of inclusiveness -- all groups in Nepal must be given a voice in the political, economic, and civic affairs of the nation. How this happens is a matter for the people and political leaders of Nepal to determine. No group has the right to turn to violence to push its agenda. But if the grievances of marginalized groups are not addressed soon, the level of violence will almost certainly increase, especially in the Terai. And the growth of violence among ethnic groups, would raise the specter of chaos and even disintegration in parts of Nepal.
While striving to include all groups and address their concerns, Nepal must simultaneously focus on law and order. It is extremely important that the rule of law be reasserted in society. Nepal has solid criminal laws, and crimes are crimes. JTMM cadre members guilty of murder and kidnapping must be held accountable for their actions. Similarly, cleaning garbage from a park should not absolve anyone of the crimes of abduction, extortion or physical abuse. All perpetrators of crimes, no matter what their political affiliation, should be arrested, tried and, if found guilty, punished.
Ten days ago, the Maoists abducted Mr. Prasai, held him overnight, publicly humiliated him, and then handed him over to the police. Mr. Prasai had serious accusations of financial malfeasance against him. The police should have arrested him before, and the Government should have ensured it happened. People should have publicly been demanding his arrest. But before they seized him, the Maoists had not called for his arrest. Nor did they use their position in the government to press for his arrest. So, let's call the Maoist action what it was: politically-motivated vigilantism. If the Maoists can practice vigilantism, why can't other groups? Why can't other groups arrest YCL members who are kidnapping and intimidating people throughout the country? I'll tell you why not: because that would lead to the law of the jungle and to the total collapse of law and order. Vigilantism was wrong when it was perpetrated by pro-royalist groups in Kapilvastu under the King's regime and it's wrong when practiced by the Maoists.Freedom from Fear
The Nepali people deserve to live their lives without fear. Removing this fear will be absolutely crucial to the success of your Constituent Assembly election. Freedom from fear is everyone’s basic human right. After a decade of armed conflict, and a year of continued Maoist impunity, it is time the people of Nepal enjoyed this right. Fear must be drained from Nepal so optimism and confidence take its place. In order to do this, democracy must triumph over totalitarian, one-party rule.
Democracy means rule of the people, by the people, and for the people. It includes transparency in government institutions; politicians accountable to their constituents; and consultation and consensus building. It is a process, not a one-time, end result, and it is a system tolerating many parties and opinions, not one party backed by paramilitary thugs which forces its views on all others.
The United States is pleased to support the Nepal Government’s efforts to fulfill its mandate to provide peace and democracy to the people. This year the US Government will provide more than $50 million in foreign assistance to Nepal. Of this, we are planning to allocate $8 million for democracy programs that support the elections process, the justice sector, and human rights organizations. We will provide nearly $18 million for health program activities, including the fight against HIV/AIDS, and $6 million for vocational education and agriculture programs. The US Government has provided $8.3 million for food aid and humanitarian assistance programs this year as well. We will also give more than $10 million to support national and local peace-building initiatives and efforts to improve public understanding of the requirements of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the code of conduct, and a Constituent Assembly process.
In this context, I want to talk about a recent development that is particularly worrying to me. According to Human Rights Watch, there are an estimated 6,000-9,000 children now living in the cantonments with the Maoist People’s Liberation Army. This is in direct violation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. No country should tolerate having children living in such conditions. These children belong in schools, not in cantonments. This is an egregious violation of the human rights of these children. By addressing this issue quickly and removing the children from the camps, the Maoists could demonstrate a real, concrete commitment to the peace agreement.
It has been more than a year since their insurgency ended, yet the Maoists’ addiction to violence, extortion, and intimidation continues unabated. Last February, I expressed my desire to welcome the Maoist leader to the democratic mainstream by shaking his hand. I have had the honor to shake many Nepalis’ hands during my time here, yet it looks like I will depart Nepal without shaking Mr. Dahal’s. Given his failure -- and his party’s failure -- to renounce violence, I could not do this in good conscience. An Historic Opportunity
Pushpa Dahal and the rest of the Maoist leadership have an historic opportunity before the Constituent Assembly election to prove to the Nepali people and the world that their party really is committed to democracy and peace. I hope the Maoists seize this opportunity and genuinely renounce violence. Maoist assurances that they are peace loving democrats have been proven hollow daily by the violent actions of their cadre. If the Maoists want the people’s trust and support, they must win it through democratic competition and free elections – and not through violence.
In April 2006, the Nepali people rose up and demanded peace and democracy. They demanded transparency and accountability from all sides. The process of building a democratic government and democratic culture is a long one, but it is absolutely essential. I urge all of you to continue to have the strength of will to attain, and then sustain, democracy. The United States, like other friends of Nepal, will help you where we can. But in the end, as you well know, Nepal’s future is the hands of the Nepalis themselves. Make the best of it.The U.S. Ambassador Moriarty delivered this speech to friends and supporters of the Community Information Center – Pokhara on June 12, 2007
It is because of my own personal admiration for Nepal, and my country’s interest in your successful democratic transition, that I came to speak with you today (June 12). I am concerned about the future of Nepal.
This year can be a turning point for Nepal. A successful Constituent Assembly election, carried out in a free and fair manner, should prove a giant step forward in the establishment of a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Nepal. That is the hope of the Nepali people. That is the goal of American foreign policy in Nepal. Indeed, my Embassy has been working hard over the past year to support your election. We will continue to do this, especially now that the Government of Nepal has decided to hold the election in Mangsir [mid-November to mid-December]. Nepal has many friends and admirers in the United States, all of whom want to see Nepalis decide their own future through a free and unfettered democratic election. Former President Jimmy Carter is one of these friends, and, as some of you know, he is visiting Nepal for three days beginning tomorrow (June 13).
.
The promise of a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Nepal is, however, in danger. These threats are growing; we read about them every day in the newspapers. Maoist Young Communist League cadre kidnap businessmen and attack political leaders from other parties during their meetings. JTMM cadres confiscate private property in the Terai and kill locals. The list of these crimes is long and growing.
I have been told repeatedly over the last year that the most important thing in Nepal is the peace process. I have been accused of derailing this process by speaking out against atrocities by Maoists and other groups. I think many would agree, however, that these atrocities, not my words, are threatening the peace process. Peace is not just the absence of war. Maoist violence and intimidation are derailing the peace process, and the consequences threaten the future of all Nepalis.Obstacle One: Maoist Conduct
Like you, I share the hope that Nepal may soon have a true, lasting peace, and that it will establish prosperity and democracy for the long-term. There are two main obstacles to this end goal at the moment. The first is the Maoists’ failure to bring their conduct in line with the standards of mainstream political parties in multiparty democracies.
Over the past year, we had all hoped that Maoist behavior would improve in line with their various commitments. That has not happened. We had all hoped that the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord would mean that all People's Liberation Army combatants would be placed in UN-managed cantonments. Instead, this resulted in a massive, cynical recruitment drive by the Maoists and those cantonments were filled with fresh recruits, many of whom are children. Those recruits have now received over five months of military training and political indoctrination in the camps.
Meanwhile, many seasoned PLA combatants remained outside the camps and were placed by the Maoist leadership in a new organization: the Young Communist League. Most of the leadership of the YCL consists of senior PLA officers, including one who bragged in a recent interview that he had assassinated a senior police official in Kathmandu. Why are these PLA leaders still active in the countryside when they were supposed to be in the cantonments?
We all wished that inclusion of the Maoists in the Interim Parliament would lead to an improvement in their behavior. Instead, we find Maoist parliamentarians bringing pistols into the Assembly, threatening their fellow MP's, and repeatedly gherao'ing the Speaker.
Finally, we had all hoped that the entry of the Maoists into the government on April 1 would prompt them to behave like a mainstream political party. Instead, the Maoists have forcefully reminded the people of Nepal that April 1 is also called April Fool's Day. Since that date, the YCL has run amok, the Maoist ministers of Forests and of Local Development have called for bandhas against the government they work for, and the Maoist Minister of Information and Communications has publicly stated that the Prime Minister, his boss, has a criminal mind. Once again, the Maoist leader, Mr. Pushpa Dahal, has stated in a public interview that the Maoists have no intention of joining the political mainstream. His party's actions over the past year suggest that all Nepalis should take these words of Mr. Dahal very seriously.
No mainstream political party anywhere in a multi-party democratic system is allowed to maintain its own armed groups. Yet this is exactly what the Maoists have done. Nor should a political party be permitted to carry out, with impunity, crimes of extortion, abduction, and intimidation Again, however, this is exactly what the Maoists continue to do, particularly through their YCL.
In the two months that Maoists have been in the Interim Government, they have certainly made clear that when their leaders talk about creating their own “political mainstream,” it is one with no place for the civil give and take, the transparent debate and decision-making, or the critical commitment to nonviolence that characterize normal political parties in a democracy.
As our Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor said recently in Kathmandu, the message of the United States is clear: Nepal cannot have ballots and bullets in a democratic process. Intimidation and violence have no roles whatsoever in the democratic development of any country. Nothing justifies the use of violence as a political tool. Yet hardly a day goes by without the press reporting on Maoist atrocities. And let me be clear – there is no difference between the YCL and the Maoist leadership. They are two parts of one whole and the actions of the one are a direct result of the decisions and intentions of the other.
On Sunday, Mr. Pushpa Dahal reportedly assured the Prime Minister that the people who threw stones at the UN car I was traveling in in Damak were not YCL cadre. That is simply not true; the individuals who threw the stones were local Maoists who carried YCL placards. Mr. Dahal should acknowledge that fact, and should ensure that in the future neither diplomats nor Nepali citizens are treated with such contempt by the YCL.Obstacle 2: Ethnic division
The second obstacle to peace, prosperity, and democracy in Nepal is ethnic division. There is an urgent need to address this issue of inclusiveness -- all groups in Nepal must be given a voice in the political, economic, and civic affairs of the nation. How this happens is a matter for the people and political leaders of Nepal to determine. No group has the right to turn to violence to push its agenda. But if the grievances of marginalized groups are not addressed soon, the level of violence will almost certainly increase, especially in the Terai. And the growth of violence among ethnic groups, would raise the specter of chaos and even disintegration in parts of Nepal.
While striving to include all groups and address their concerns, Nepal must simultaneously focus on law and order. It is extremely important that the rule of law be reasserted in society. Nepal has solid criminal laws, and crimes are crimes. JTMM cadre members guilty of murder and kidnapping must be held accountable for their actions. Similarly, cleaning garbage from a park should not absolve anyone of the crimes of abduction, extortion or physical abuse. All perpetrators of crimes, no matter what their political affiliation, should be arrested, tried and, if found guilty, punished.
Ten days ago, the Maoists abducted Mr. Prasai, held him overnight, publicly humiliated him, and then handed him over to the police. Mr. Prasai had serious accusations of financial malfeasance against him. The police should have arrested him before, and the Government should have ensured it happened. People should have publicly been demanding his arrest. But before they seized him, the Maoists had not called for his arrest. Nor did they use their position in the government to press for his arrest. So, let's call the Maoist action what it was: politically-motivated vigilantism. If the Maoists can practice vigilantism, why can't other groups? Why can't other groups arrest YCL members who are kidnapping and intimidating people throughout the country? I'll tell you why not: because that would lead to the law of the jungle and to the total collapse of law and order. Vigilantism was wrong when it was perpetrated by pro-royalist groups in Kapilvastu under the King's regime and it's wrong when practiced by the Maoists.Freedom from Fear
The Nepali people deserve to live their lives without fear. Removing this fear will be absolutely crucial to the success of your Constituent Assembly election. Freedom from fear is everyone’s basic human right. After a decade of armed conflict, and a year of continued Maoist impunity, it is time the people of Nepal enjoyed this right. Fear must be drained from Nepal so optimism and confidence take its place. In order to do this, democracy must triumph over totalitarian, one-party rule.
Democracy means rule of the people, by the people, and for the people. It includes transparency in government institutions; politicians accountable to their constituents; and consultation and consensus building. It is a process, not a one-time, end result, and it is a system tolerating many parties and opinions, not one party backed by paramilitary thugs which forces its views on all others.
The United States is pleased to support the Nepal Government’s efforts to fulfill its mandate to provide peace and democracy to the people. This year the US Government will provide more than $50 million in foreign assistance to Nepal. Of this, we are planning to allocate $8 million for democracy programs that support the elections process, the justice sector, and human rights organizations. We will provide nearly $18 million for health program activities, including the fight against HIV/AIDS, and $6 million for vocational education and agriculture programs. The US Government has provided $8.3 million for food aid and humanitarian assistance programs this year as well. We will also give more than $10 million to support national and local peace-building initiatives and efforts to improve public understanding of the requirements of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the code of conduct, and a Constituent Assembly process.
In this context, I want to talk about a recent development that is particularly worrying to me. According to Human Rights Watch, there are an estimated 6,000-9,000 children now living in the cantonments with the Maoist People’s Liberation Army. This is in direct violation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. No country should tolerate having children living in such conditions. These children belong in schools, not in cantonments. This is an egregious violation of the human rights of these children. By addressing this issue quickly and removing the children from the camps, the Maoists could demonstrate a real, concrete commitment to the peace agreement.
It has been more than a year since their insurgency ended, yet the Maoists’ addiction to violence, extortion, and intimidation continues unabated. Last February, I expressed my desire to welcome the Maoist leader to the democratic mainstream by shaking his hand. I have had the honor to shake many Nepalis’ hands during my time here, yet it looks like I will depart Nepal without shaking Mr. Dahal’s. Given his failure -- and his party’s failure -- to renounce violence, I could not do this in good conscience. An Historic Opportunity
Pushpa Dahal and the rest of the Maoist leadership have an historic opportunity before the Constituent Assembly election to prove to the Nepali people and the world that their party really is committed to democracy and peace. I hope the Maoists seize this opportunity and genuinely renounce violence. Maoist assurances that they are peace loving democrats have been proven hollow daily by the violent actions of their cadre. If the Maoists want the people’s trust and support, they must win it through democratic competition and free elections – and not through violence.
In April 2006, the Nepali people rose up and demanded peace and democracy. They demanded transparency and accountability from all sides. The process of building a democratic government and democratic culture is a long one, but it is absolutely essential. I urge all of you to continue to have the strength of will to attain, and then sustain, democracy. The United States, like other friends of Nepal, will help you where we can. But in the end, as you well know, Nepal’s future is the hands of the Nepalis themselves. Make the best of it.The U.S. Ambassador Moriarty delivered this speech to friends and supporters of the Community Information Center – Pokhara on June 12, 2007
Celina Takes German Lecher To Task
The story of three Marathi actors who were denied entry into a restaurant in a suburban Mumbai’s 7-star hotel isn't isolated. Celina Jaitley recently had a nightmarish experience in the same hotel. "I went into the sports' lounge of this hotel with a gay foreigner friend of mine for just ten minutes. I saw a tall imposing middle-aged German guy making obscene gestures at me. At first I ignored him out of embarrassment. Then he got bolder and came up to me to tell me in German in picturesque detail what he'd like to do to me. He didn't know I speak German fluently. That was it. I asked the hotel's authorities to deal with the situation, since they hadn't allowed my bodyguard in. Forget about challenging the German lecher, they said they didn't know who he was! Luckily I had seen him sign his room number on his bill."When the posh hotel's cowardly personnel did nothing to help Celina, she left but returned the next day with three vans of cops, got the man out of his room and confronted him."He fell to his knees and cried and begged saying he has a wife and children back home. He should've thought of them when he treated me to such vulgar intentions. I made him write an apology and then for his family's sake decided not to press charges. The worst thing was, nobody in the hotel wanted to co-opearate with me in dealing with this situation. Even some of my well-wishers advised me to forget about it. What I want to know is, whom do these hotels cater to? Are they for us Indians? Or are all the amenities and facilities only for foreigners? Why are foreigners given such blatantly preferential treatment in these posh hotels?"The actress decided to speak up on the matter after she heard about the humiliation of the Marathi actors who weren't allowed in because of their kolhapuri chappals. "This isn't the first time that such an incident has happened. Some time ago, a dress designer friend of mine requested the same hotel's security to inspect his car in the portico as he didn't want the clothes in the car to get wet in the rain. There was an argument. They slammed the car bonnet on his hand and fractured it…Don't they care about people who are not foreigners? Are these high-flying places so busy making big bucks that they've forgotten a basic sense of decency?"
Time for a New Direction
A peace agreement was signed in Nepal in 2006, but the slaying of journalist Birendra Shah shows little has changed. The Web site VOA News – Violence in Nepal, reports that violence is ongoing in the country that has seen more than 13,000 people killed and 200,000 displaced since Maoist insurgents began their conflict with government forces a decade ago. Eighteen journalists have been killed during Nepal’s decade-long civil war, but Shah’s murder is the first since the Maoists joined an interim government as part of a peace deal last year.
Evidence indicates that the Maoists have committed numerous human rights abuses,including murder and kidnapping, much of it perpetrated against women and children.The violence has continued since the peace agreement. A prominent Indian news web site reported that 115 people have been killed in the last nine months. The National
Human Rights Commission of Nepal sees such incidents are on the increase and both the Maoists and the government are responsible. The same web site reports the NHRC is urging the Maoists to stop abductions, torture and killing and return seized property.The United Nations Security Council is pressing Nepal to set a date for elections so a Constituent Assembly can be elected which will draft a new constitution. The interim government has already postponed such elections twice.
. A Nepali news website recently quoted Prakash Man Singh as saying he doubted an election for the Constituent assembly could be held given the current lack of security.
Although the peace agreement called for King Gyanendra to ultimately relinquish all power, this has yet to happen. In the mean time, the army appears to be building its arsenal and the government has raised fuel prices. It is believed that the King is trying to devise a way out of the present crisis that will be of greatest benefit to the monarchy. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party wants to keep the kingdom alive. It is a brutal truth that no matter which way we put it, at the end truth remains the same: for the sanity of Nepal, the Monarchy Must Go and for heaven’s sake the deadline is right now. If the political parties were running any business in the U.S. they would have been fired the very next day. These guys cannot take any expeditious correct decision even when the house is burning and the bucket of water is right next to them. Shame on these folks! Act damn it!
The time has come for a truly independent party to be formed in Nepal, one that can govern the citizens of Nepal with fairness and respect. Journalists such as Shah cannot feel restricted in reporting the full and complete truth and documenting the words and deeds of those who defile human life and those who honor it. Freedom of the press a fundamental right.
The Maoists do not appear to want a Constituent Assembly or the formation of a new constitution that reflects the will of the people. They have already left the government and will continue their threats of quitting the government and leaving the seven-party alliance while continuing their violent acts even when they decide to rejoin the government. Suffice it to say that it is their modus operandi. The government is trying to keep the coalition intact, so it can remain in power.
Nepal’s citizens continue to try and advocate for their future and the future of their nation. The Times of India reported that in early November more than 400 employees working at various government offices and businesses in the Saptari district in southern Nepal submitted a joint letter of resignation to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala alleging lack of security. The chief district officer of Saptari refused to accept the resignations, which is why it was sent to the prime minister.
The United Nations has expressed concern about the violence that continues in the south. Every day a new group is emerging in the south to fight for autonomy or independence. The Maoists are beginning to penetrate Kathmandu. It would seem the Maoists are anticipating another civil war, where they can increase their power base through warfare. All Headline News reports that Ian Martin, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative in Nepal, said to assembled press that the UN Mission to Nepal is willing to expand its mandate to help implement the peace process, but will only do so if requested by the people of Nepal. Martin said a Constituent Assembly couldn’t be elected until the peace process is more secure.
China is monitoring both the Maoists and the Unified Marxist Leninist party, the communist party of Nepal, so that their influence can be felt. India wants to see a peaceful Nepal and voices its support for Congress, but also gives moral support to the Madhesi parties fighting for autonomy in the South.
The time appears to be at hand for a new, independent political party that will serve the best interests of the citizens of Nepal- not place power into the hands of a greedy and domineering few. The day will come when the people of Nepal will have the opportunity to choose new leaders who understand and respect independence and the right of self-determination. The people of Nepal still possess the power to chart the course of their country’s destiny.
More Nepalis than ever before are identifying themselves as independent. Perhaps the time is at hand to drop party affiliations and join together in a new independent affiliation. Nepalis are getting sick of the meanness as well as selfish acts of their political dynasty and parties which include but not limited to King, RPP, Maoist, Nepali Congress and UML. A new direction is very much needed to secure the independence and sovereignty of Nepal. Nepalis must act now and stop Nepal from becoming Sikkim or Tibet.
Independent Nepalis will demand better choices than any of the parties now seeking to hold power can offer. When the next election does take place, a new party as well as leader must emerge who possesses great character, vision and accomplishment. The people are slowly making their voices heard.
Brahmin and Chetri tyrants in Nepal
A few days back, a news on a news website caught my eye. It was a media release about writing the statute of the Nepalese American Journalist Association within six months and completing their legal registration process. President Girish Pokhare, vice president Sushil Neupane, general secretary Krishna Sharma, treasurer Gunraj Luitel and members Parl Regmi and Sharmila Upreti control this association. The list is not over yet. Manoj Acharya, Chandra Prasai, Hari Shiwakoti - and three advisors – Tara Baral, Krishna Kadel and Dr. Dharma Adhikari. Why I am listing these names? From the structure of this committee, I can see a topological view of Nepali politics and dominance of Brahmin and Chetris in our society. Rules made and adopted by these tyrants are Laws even today and they are not giving up yet.
Let’s look at the most powerful interim ministers, who are responsible for making new Nepal, as described by them, where they exercise inclusive democracy-
• Giriaja Koirala – Prime Minister
• Ram Chandra Poudel - Peace and Reconstruction
• Krishna Bahadur Mahara – Information and Communication
• Pradeep Nepal – Education
• Ram Sharan Mahat – Finance
• Krishna Sitoula – Home
• Hisila Bhattarai (Yami) – Physical Planning
• Giriraj Mani Pokhrel – Health
• Ramesh Lekhak – Labour and Transport
• Gynendra Karki – Water ResourceThe list goes on and on. Why is our society so disable? Why can’t it move without the rule of Brahmins and Chetriis? GP Koirala, Puspa K Dahal, Sher B Deuba, MK Nepal, CP Mainali etc, signed the historic eight point agreement between SPA and the Maoists, designed to form a New Nepal.
.
Take a look at the standing committee of CPN – UML
• Madhav Kumar Nepal
• Amrit Kumar Bohara
• Bam Dev Gautam
• Bharat Mohan Adhikari
• Ishwar Pokhrel
• Jhala Nath Khanal
• K.P. Sharma Oli
• Keshav Badal
• Mod Nath Prashrit
• Mukunda Neupane
• Pradeep Nepal
• Sahana Pradhan
• Yuba Raj Gyawali
And have a look at the people whose analysis, thinking, and beliefs will decide our future: The Interim Constitution Draft Committee (very 1st one)
• Laxman Prasad Aryal, coordinator
• Harihar Dahal, member
• Shambhu Thapa, member
• Sindhu Nath Pyakurel, member
• Mahadev Yadav, member
• Khim Lal Devkota, memberThe most revolutionary Nepali Political Party, which is responsible for the death of more than 15,000 lives, is CPN Maoist. They have promised to overthrow the feudalistic society of Nepal and deliver a free and fair society where workers get a fare share. Ideologically they have lost ground but still they are trying hard to prove that they are core followers of the Shining Path and Pol Pot style socialist revolution. Ultimately, they are at the crossroads of modern capitalism and traditional nationalistic extremism. They are in a dilemma, whether to choose economic reform, social reconstruction, the diplomatic approach, patriotic approach, OR just keep following the rules of intimidation and torture. Time is ruthless. Their political forecast to win the Nepali hearts by activating YCL failed and they are running around red-faced. The recent crisis in the Middle East, bloodbath between Fatah and Hamas factions, who share the Palestine Government, have shattered them. Apparently, the Maoist style leadership is a carbon copy of Hamas in Palestine, who are in government and they still shut down the nation, kill people, kidnap, murder, extort etc. The Maoists and their allies often shut down sections of the country. The recent row between the PM and the Maoist supremo has triggered uncertainty when it comes to the real motives of the Maoists and the sincerity of the SPAM unity as a whole. Personally, I don’t believe in such a democracy where a political party enjoys national flag and also engages in forceful abduction, extortion, kidnapping and murder. The country is still experiencing loads of extra judicial killings, disappearances, internal displacement, continuing seizure of private properties, and the constant fear of torture/intimidation/physical punishment.
There are various public propagandas about the Maoist vision for the future of Nepal. People are getting the first smell- their commitment to competitive multiparty democracy and enterprise-based economy. And yet again, Brahmins and Chetris control the leadership of this red flag party. Here is the list:
• Puspa Kamal Dahal
• Kiran Vaidhya
• Baburam Bhattarai
• CP Gajurel
• Dinanath Sharma
• Krishna Br Mahara
• Hishila Bhattarai (Yami)
• Pamfa Bhusal
• Top Br Rayamajhi
• Janardan Sharma
• Lokendra Bista
• Lekh Raj Bhatta
• Naraya Dahal
• Bamdev Chetri
• Purna Subedi
• Amrita Thapa
• Satya Pahadi
• Sarala Regmi
• Khim DevkotaThe list may go on forever. They talk about autonomous regions and supremacy in their own region by their own people. Who belongs where? Are we going back to the 15th century to find out who ruled certain regions and who deserves what? Is this is the call of the 21st century? Are we heading for a united nation or for a divided nation than ever before? Today’s call is not for division but for harmony and consolidation. We must dream a nation where people from every race, religion, sex, and ethnicity come to the arena and be proud and humble for being a Nepali. Autonomous regions or a federal model of governance is understandable. But why can’t a Tamang be a Chief of the Tharuwan Region? Why can’t a Gauchan be a Chief of the Kirat region? OR why can’t a Brahmin be a Chief of the Khumbhuwan Region? OR why can’t a Chaudhary be a Chief of a Chure Bhaware? A charismatic Magar leader born in Birgunj should go to Rolpa to engage in politics. Where does he belong? Are you apprehending the democratic rights of movement and habitation within the nation? Time needs answers not promises. We belong to the same country vesting the same themes of nationality. We are covered and secured by the same constitution, then why is there such division in the leadership style. Indigenous communities or the Nepali people as a whole are taking none of theses decisions. A bunch of tyrants, who mostly belong to aristocratic and suppressive families, design, develop, decide and implement these policies. If we believe in democracy, every major decision should be decided by a referendum, where people’s voices are heard rather than regulated.
Nepali Congress carries the longest history as a democratic party and this party has ruled more than 90% of Nepal’s democratic period. Who controls this party? Let’s have look (Central Working Committee):
• Girija Koirala
• Sushil Koirala
• Sailaja Acharya
• Ram Chandra Poudel
• Govinda Raj Joshi
• Krishna Sitaula
• Ram Saran Mahat
• Chakra Bastola
• Khum Br Khadka
• Mahesh Acharya
• Gopal Pahadi
• Nara Hari Acharya
• Laxman Ghimire
• Dilendra Badu
• Shekahr KoiralaI can’t go any further. Simply put, there is no significant presence of other people. And they talk about a new style of inclusive democracy. People need to be included in the first place. People are participating (have participated) in these uprisings for their rights, not for liberal grants from feudal leaders. The rights of citizens can’t be dictated by these feudal mobs. It has to come by the will of the people, not by the will of tyrants. Today’s call is for equality, partiality, involvement and solidarity. These voices of the people must be heard. And all the time, as history has proven, and every time, these voices can’t be a credit to these autocrats, whose democracy is limited to their families and puppets. This time the new democracy should be for the people, not for the leaders.
Second, the youth wing of the Nepali Congress, Tarun Dal is led by Bal Krishna Khad and he is there forever. I don’t think he is going to quit unless he is promoted to some top rank in the party. And Brahmins and Chetris once again dictate the student wing, which is the hope for the future and of course the future of our leaders’ new Nepal. Recently, Pradeep Poudel was elected president of NSU and his rivals were Bikash Koirala and Badri Pandey. Note their last names.
I am not just complaining about these tyrants who control Nepal. They dictate every nook and cranny of Nepali society. Take a look at the people who control the Non Resident Nepal organisation, the famous global Nepali diaspora assembly.
• Upendra Mahato
• Sharada Thapa
• Indira Ban
• Ram Thapa
• Sagar Nepal
• Chiranjibi Dhakal
• Dipak Khadka
• Naresh Koirala
• Harihar Aryal
• Kumar Basnet and so forth And who is in my backyard (NRN Australia)?
• Mana KC
• Ranju Thapa
• Goba Katuwal
• Shyam KC
• Krishna Hamal
• Pradeep Dhakal
• Durga Bastola
• Pramod Khatiwada
• Bina Poudel
• Ashok Dhakal and so onwards. These lists are simply hard to follow and it can be utterly awful when you compare what you see and what you hear. By no means, am I saying that all the leadership should be passed to other communities. We need transparency and fairness. I uniformly oppose the indigenous leaders who term ‘Ruling Class’ to Brahmin and Chetris to achieve cheap fame and popularity. That should not be the case. We need a strong, united, committed, and forward thinking NEPAL. When certain people willingly or unwillingly control too much share in a nation, it is very likely that that would bring long-term political instability and economic damages to the country in the long run. When 10% whites controlled 90% of the farms in Zimbabwe, we know what happened. The black market is exchanging 1US dollar for up to 300,000 and economic pundits are predicting that the rate could well and truly reach up to a million by the end of this year. Less than 30% Brahmins and Chetris enjoy more than 80% portfolios in: Bureaucracy, Scholarships, Business, Media, Army, Police, Customs, and Judiciaries etc. Let’s start to stop this communal outrage from today to give a better future for our glorious nation. It’s a matter of urgency to give people a reasonable share in all areas of the country. Let the new generation enjoy democracy rather than hearing about it all their lives
Let’s look at the most powerful interim ministers, who are responsible for making new Nepal, as described by them, where they exercise inclusive democracy-
• Giriaja Koirala – Prime Minister
• Ram Chandra Poudel - Peace and Reconstruction
• Krishna Bahadur Mahara – Information and Communication
• Pradeep Nepal – Education
• Ram Sharan Mahat – Finance
• Krishna Sitoula – Home
• Hisila Bhattarai (Yami) – Physical Planning
• Giriraj Mani Pokhrel – Health
• Ramesh Lekhak – Labour and Transport
• Gynendra Karki – Water ResourceThe list goes on and on. Why is our society so disable? Why can’t it move without the rule of Brahmins and Chetriis? GP Koirala, Puspa K Dahal, Sher B Deuba, MK Nepal, CP Mainali etc, signed the historic eight point agreement between SPA and the Maoists, designed to form a New Nepal.
.
Take a look at the standing committee of CPN – UML
• Madhav Kumar Nepal
• Amrit Kumar Bohara
• Bam Dev Gautam
• Bharat Mohan Adhikari
• Ishwar Pokhrel
• Jhala Nath Khanal
• K.P. Sharma Oli
• Keshav Badal
• Mod Nath Prashrit
• Mukunda Neupane
• Pradeep Nepal
• Sahana Pradhan
• Yuba Raj Gyawali
And have a look at the people whose analysis, thinking, and beliefs will decide our future: The Interim Constitution Draft Committee (very 1st one)
• Laxman Prasad Aryal, coordinator
• Harihar Dahal, member
• Shambhu Thapa, member
• Sindhu Nath Pyakurel, member
• Mahadev Yadav, member
• Khim Lal Devkota, memberThe most revolutionary Nepali Political Party, which is responsible for the death of more than 15,000 lives, is CPN Maoist. They have promised to overthrow the feudalistic society of Nepal and deliver a free and fair society where workers get a fare share. Ideologically they have lost ground but still they are trying hard to prove that they are core followers of the Shining Path and Pol Pot style socialist revolution. Ultimately, they are at the crossroads of modern capitalism and traditional nationalistic extremism. They are in a dilemma, whether to choose economic reform, social reconstruction, the diplomatic approach, patriotic approach, OR just keep following the rules of intimidation and torture. Time is ruthless. Their political forecast to win the Nepali hearts by activating YCL failed and they are running around red-faced. The recent crisis in the Middle East, bloodbath between Fatah and Hamas factions, who share the Palestine Government, have shattered them. Apparently, the Maoist style leadership is a carbon copy of Hamas in Palestine, who are in government and they still shut down the nation, kill people, kidnap, murder, extort etc. The Maoists and their allies often shut down sections of the country. The recent row between the PM and the Maoist supremo has triggered uncertainty when it comes to the real motives of the Maoists and the sincerity of the SPAM unity as a whole. Personally, I don’t believe in such a democracy where a political party enjoys national flag and also engages in forceful abduction, extortion, kidnapping and murder. The country is still experiencing loads of extra judicial killings, disappearances, internal displacement, continuing seizure of private properties, and the constant fear of torture/intimidation/physical punishment.
There are various public propagandas about the Maoist vision for the future of Nepal. People are getting the first smell- their commitment to competitive multiparty democracy and enterprise-based economy. And yet again, Brahmins and Chetris control the leadership of this red flag party. Here is the list:
• Puspa Kamal Dahal
• Kiran Vaidhya
• Baburam Bhattarai
• CP Gajurel
• Dinanath Sharma
• Krishna Br Mahara
• Hishila Bhattarai (Yami)
• Pamfa Bhusal
• Top Br Rayamajhi
• Janardan Sharma
• Lokendra Bista
• Lekh Raj Bhatta
• Naraya Dahal
• Bamdev Chetri
• Purna Subedi
• Amrita Thapa
• Satya Pahadi
• Sarala Regmi
• Khim DevkotaThe list may go on forever. They talk about autonomous regions and supremacy in their own region by their own people. Who belongs where? Are we going back to the 15th century to find out who ruled certain regions and who deserves what? Is this is the call of the 21st century? Are we heading for a united nation or for a divided nation than ever before? Today’s call is not for division but for harmony and consolidation. We must dream a nation where people from every race, religion, sex, and ethnicity come to the arena and be proud and humble for being a Nepali. Autonomous regions or a federal model of governance is understandable. But why can’t a Tamang be a Chief of the Tharuwan Region? Why can’t a Gauchan be a Chief of the Kirat region? OR why can’t a Brahmin be a Chief of the Khumbhuwan Region? OR why can’t a Chaudhary be a Chief of a Chure Bhaware? A charismatic Magar leader born in Birgunj should go to Rolpa to engage in politics. Where does he belong? Are you apprehending the democratic rights of movement and habitation within the nation? Time needs answers not promises. We belong to the same country vesting the same themes of nationality. We are covered and secured by the same constitution, then why is there such division in the leadership style. Indigenous communities or the Nepali people as a whole are taking none of theses decisions. A bunch of tyrants, who mostly belong to aristocratic and suppressive families, design, develop, decide and implement these policies. If we believe in democracy, every major decision should be decided by a referendum, where people’s voices are heard rather than regulated.
Nepali Congress carries the longest history as a democratic party and this party has ruled more than 90% of Nepal’s democratic period. Who controls this party? Let’s have look (Central Working Committee):
• Girija Koirala
• Sushil Koirala
• Sailaja Acharya
• Ram Chandra Poudel
• Govinda Raj Joshi
• Krishna Sitaula
• Ram Saran Mahat
• Chakra Bastola
• Khum Br Khadka
• Mahesh Acharya
• Gopal Pahadi
• Nara Hari Acharya
• Laxman Ghimire
• Dilendra Badu
• Shekahr KoiralaI can’t go any further. Simply put, there is no significant presence of other people. And they talk about a new style of inclusive democracy. People need to be included in the first place. People are participating (have participated) in these uprisings for their rights, not for liberal grants from feudal leaders. The rights of citizens can’t be dictated by these feudal mobs. It has to come by the will of the people, not by the will of tyrants. Today’s call is for equality, partiality, involvement and solidarity. These voices of the people must be heard. And all the time, as history has proven, and every time, these voices can’t be a credit to these autocrats, whose democracy is limited to their families and puppets. This time the new democracy should be for the people, not for the leaders.
Second, the youth wing of the Nepali Congress, Tarun Dal is led by Bal Krishna Khad and he is there forever. I don’t think he is going to quit unless he is promoted to some top rank in the party. And Brahmins and Chetris once again dictate the student wing, which is the hope for the future and of course the future of our leaders’ new Nepal. Recently, Pradeep Poudel was elected president of NSU and his rivals were Bikash Koirala and Badri Pandey. Note their last names.
I am not just complaining about these tyrants who control Nepal. They dictate every nook and cranny of Nepali society. Take a look at the people who control the Non Resident Nepal organisation, the famous global Nepali diaspora assembly.
• Upendra Mahato
• Sharada Thapa
• Indira Ban
• Ram Thapa
• Sagar Nepal
• Chiranjibi Dhakal
• Dipak Khadka
• Naresh Koirala
• Harihar Aryal
• Kumar Basnet and so forth And who is in my backyard (NRN Australia)?
• Mana KC
• Ranju Thapa
• Goba Katuwal
• Shyam KC
• Krishna Hamal
• Pradeep Dhakal
• Durga Bastola
• Pramod Khatiwada
• Bina Poudel
• Ashok Dhakal and so onwards. These lists are simply hard to follow and it can be utterly awful when you compare what you see and what you hear. By no means, am I saying that all the leadership should be passed to other communities. We need transparency and fairness. I uniformly oppose the indigenous leaders who term ‘Ruling Class’ to Brahmin and Chetris to achieve cheap fame and popularity. That should not be the case. We need a strong, united, committed, and forward thinking NEPAL. When certain people willingly or unwillingly control too much share in a nation, it is very likely that that would bring long-term political instability and economic damages to the country in the long run. When 10% whites controlled 90% of the farms in Zimbabwe, we know what happened. The black market is exchanging 1US dollar for up to 300,000 and economic pundits are predicting that the rate could well and truly reach up to a million by the end of this year. Less than 30% Brahmins and Chetris enjoy more than 80% portfolios in: Bureaucracy, Scholarships, Business, Media, Army, Police, Customs, and Judiciaries etc. Let’s start to stop this communal outrage from today to give a better future for our glorious nation. It’s a matter of urgency to give people a reasonable share in all areas of the country. Let the new generation enjoy democracy rather than hearing about it all their lives
Maoist Report Card
The 40-point demand of the Maoists before they took up arms in 1996 didn’t call specifically for the abolishment of the monarchy. However, Prachanda said in his interview to the BBC soon after Jana Andolan-2 that the combined effect of the forty points was abolition of the monarchy. Therefore, the Maoists will be judged on the basis of only one thing, i.e. whether or not they will be able to abolish the monarchy. Their demand for a constituent assembly can be seen as a means, not an end, to achieve other goals such as making the people sovereign and restructuring the state.
Although the Maoists started their ‘People’s War’ against an elected government, they joined hands with the ‘democratic’ parties in 2006 to launch Jana Andolan-2. True, this action resulted in making the monarchy almost powerless, at least temporarily, but it also catapulted the extremely weakened ‘democratic’ parties, especially Nepali Congress, to new heights, allowing them to claim full credit for the success of Jana Andolan-2.
The Maoists’ persistent demand for a constituent assembly resulted in the interim constitution including a clear deadline for an election to the CA. However, it is now clear that the deadline can’t be met.
. The Maoists had agreed to decide the fate of the monarchy by the CA, knowing full well that regressive forces would try to stop the election as they had done before when a CA promised in 1951 never materialised. The whole thing has now been thrown into uncertainty, including the fate of the monarchy.
It is interesting to note that the Maoists started their ‘People’s War’ soon after the US became the sole superpower following the collapse of communism in the former Soviet Union and other European countries. Similarly they ended the hostilities, locked up their arms and put their combatants in cantonments in 2007 when the US Empire is crumbling, mainly due to the war in Iraq, and when there is a lame duck president in the White House. They tried to negotiate a peace in 2001 and 2003 in view of the ‘global war on terror’, which was probably reasonable, but it is hard to understand the timing of their starting and ending the war.
Due to their starting the war at the wrong time and the ‘global war on terror’ following the 9/11 attacks on the US in 2001, the Nepal government could gather tremendous material support from the US, India and other countries for ‘their’ war on terror. Consequently, the (Royal) Nepali Army was transformed from a weak force focused primarily on earning money through international peacekeeping operations to a well-equipped 95,000-strong army. The Maoists are indirectly responsible for this. Even with weaker armies, the palace had staged coups before and had suppressed democracy for 30 years during the Panchayat regime. A strong (Royal) Nepali Army can be a constant threat to democracy if the monarchy is not abolished immediately.
The Maoists insisted on UN assistance in the peace process. Although the UN was created by the victors of World War II and has often been used by the US as a tool to dominate world politics, it has legitimacy in the eyes of most nations. The UN often uses a ‘one model fits all’ approach and can be inflexible in its working procedures. As a result, the people of Nepal have to watch helplessly as the UN representative declares that Nepal has to fulfill certain requirements before the elections can be held or that it will be no disaster if the elections are delayed. One can denounce the naked intervention in Nepali politics by the US or the Indian ambassadors but one can hardly defy the UN. This action of the Maoists has made Nepal dependent on the UN, which may be very hard to shake off.
The Maoists raised the disadvantaged people’s awareness of their rights, which is great. However, they also promised them ethnic and regional autonomies including the right to self-determination. This might have helped them recruit large numbers of party cadres but it also raised the expectations of various communities unrealistically, resulting in the on-going agitation by these groups. The Terai problem is particularly serious. Terai has a potential of seceding from Nepal. Should this happen, Nepal is going to be not only land-locked or India-locked but also Terai-locked, with disastrous consequences.
Different people see the end of hostilities by the Maoists differently. People like Girija Koirala and the ‘international community’ consider this as a case of bringing the ‘terrorists’ to the mainstream. The Maoists claim it to be the beginning of a new phase in their movement. However, recent activities of the Maoists have led most people to believe that the Maoists have realized the futility of the war and have now been trying for a safe landing into mainstream politics before achieving the main goal of abolishing the monarchy. A recent statement by Prachanda that they could end up with the fate of the Shining Path of Peru if they are not careful reinforces the above belief.
The Maoists have made mistakes but they can correct them by helping abolish the monarchy, that too before the CA elections. They have raised awareness for a republic to an unprecedented level. Having squandered the chances for abolishing the monarchy several times before, the people of Nepal know that they won’t get another chance for a long time if they don’t succeed this time. True, the republican forces face a tremendous challenge both from within and outside the country, but they can still do it because the people are with them on this issue like never before. Therefore, the Maoists have two options: Do whatever it takes to lead the republican forces for abolishing the monarchy and earn a place in history, or fail on this and face the punishment for raising false hopes of a republic and for immense social, political, economic and human costs, including the death of 13,000 people. The choice is entirely theirs.
Monday, December 24, 2007
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